Major areas of law can be split into:
Public law vs. Private law
Criminal vs. Civil law
State proscribes behaviors deemed to be harmful to property, health, safety, or morals
Established by statute (legislation)
Punishes and/or rehabilitates criminal with fines, imprisonment, or execution
Highest burden of proof against Plaintiff (State): “beyond a reasonable doubt”
Property, contracts, torts, family, business associations, etc
Statutes, regulations, and case law
Burden of proof lower: “preponderance of the evidence” (i.e. 50.1%)
The same dispute can have both a criminal and a civil lawsuit
O.J. Simpson
Criminal intended to do wrong
Case is brought by the State (“society”), not individual plaintiff
Tends to be public harm in addition to private harms
Burden of proof is higher at trial
If found guilty, defendant will be punished
Unlike a tort, a crime generally requires intent
Literal intent occasionally not required
Sometimes, intent is sufficient for a crime even without harm
Recall wrongful death tort cases
Criminal complaints are brought by the State
Potential for prosecution of “victimless crimes”
Nuisance (property) law, contract law, tort law: damages serve two purposes:
When injurer internalizes harm, we get pollution, breach, accidents only when they are efficient
Criminal law: objective is to deter crimes, i.e. prevent them entirely — not just the “inefficient ones”!
Most civil cases: preponderance of the evidence
Criminal cases: Prosecution must prove Defendant's guilt beyond a reasonable doubt
William Blackstone
(1723-1780)
“It is better that ten guilty persons escape than that one innocent suffer.”
Blackstone, William, 1765-1770, Commentaries on the Laws of England
Harsher stigma to injurer convicted as a criminal, rather than a tortfeasor
Loss of civil rights (e.g. voting rights)
Harder to find work, obtain a loan, find housing
Tort law creates an incentive to avoid harms
Shortcomings of tort law for certain offenses:
A full theory of criminal law must answer:
Cooter and Ulen:
Key assumption: rational criminals
C’mon are they really though?
But for a good critical discussion, see Tabarrok, 2015, “What Was Gary Becker’s Greatest Mistake?”
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
“Here, as elsewhere in economics, the assumption of rationality does not imply that muggers (or economics professors) calculate the costs and benefits of available alternatives to seventeen decimal places-merely that they tend to choose the one that best achieves their objectives.
“If muggers are rational, we do not have to make mugging impossible in order to prevent it, merely unprofitable. If the benefits of a profession decrease or its costs increase, fewer people will enter it-whether the profession is plumbing or burglary. If little old ladies start carrying pistols in their purses, so that one mugging in ten puts the mugger in the hospital or the morgue, the number of muggers will decrease drastically-not because they have all been shot but because most will have switched to safer ways of making a living. If mugging becomes sufficiently unprofitable, nobody will do it.”
If enforcement were free, we could eliminate crime
But enforcement is costly, making this an interesting tradeoff
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
“In designing institutions to control crime, our concern is not sin but cost. Eliminating all murders, even all muggings, would no doubt be a fine thing-but whether we ought to try to do it depends on how much it costs. If reducing the annual murder rate from ten to zero requires us to turn half the population into police, judges, and prison guards, it is probably not worth doing.”
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
“Our first guess might be that the fine should be high enough to deter all crimes. But there may be some crimes we do not want to deter. Consider a hunter, lost and starving in the woods, who comes across a locked cabin containing food and a telephone. The benefit to him of breaking in and calling for rescue is much larger than the cost to the cabin's owner; we will, on net, be better off if that particular offense is not deterred. For a less exotic example, consider the driver who occasionally exceeds the speed limit when he is in a hurry. We could deter all or almost all speeding if we routinely confiscated the cars of convicted speeders-but many of us would regard that as more deterrence than we want.
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
“If a crime produces a net benefit, if the gain to the speeder or the lost hunter is more than the loss to the rest of us, we are better off not deterring it. In many cases our legal system permits such "efficient crimes" by not classifying them as crimes. Every time I breath out I exhale carbon dioxide-regarded, in some contexts, as a pollutant. Most of us are confident that this particular offense is an efficient one-we are better off if we put up with a certain amount of extra carbon dioxide than if we all stop breathing. So exhaling, unlike some other forms of pollution, is not illegal. Similarly, the lost hunter of my example would probably be excused from criminal liability under the doctrine of necessity.
“How, in such situations, can we deter inefficient speeding while permitting efficient speeding? The answer is simple: Set the expected punishment equal to the damage done. Under this rule, criminal punishment functions as a probabilistic price system.”
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
“While this may be a reasonable way of looking at speeding, it seems less appropriate for more serious offenses. Do we really have a legal system where the reason we do not raise the punishment for murder is the fear that we would then have too few murders?
The answer is no. So far I have been describing a world where crime control costs nothing and we therefore buy as much of it as we want. In order to catch and convict criminals we must pay police, hold trials, train lawyers-pay a variety of costs which I will refer to, for convenience, as apprehension costs. Once the criminals are convicted, we must punish them-and that too is costly.”
1930—2014
Economics Nobel 1992
Chicago School economist interested in sociology
Brought rational choice theory tools (optimization & equilibrium) to traditionally “non-economic” issues:
Becker, Gary, 1968, “Crime and Punishment: An Economic Approach,” Journal of Political Economy
“Rational offender model”:
Any rational individual will commit a crime if g>p(f+ct)
The Supply of criminal offenses is a function of S(p,f,t)
Raising any of these variables will lower S, reflecting deterrence
S(p,f,t)
What is the optimal enforcement policy?
To deter crime, we need to do two things:
S(p,f,t)
Raising p (catching a higher fraction of offenders) is costly
Fines f are free, even make the State money!
Supplement with imprisonment t (or even execution) for additional deterrence
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
“In controlling crime, we can get a given amount of deterrence in many different ways. We might catch half the criminals and fine them each $500, we might catch one criminal in twenty and put him in jail for a year, or we might catch one in five hundred and hang him. Suppose that all of these alternatives are equivalent from the standpoint of the criminal and thus have the same deterrent effect, just as a $100 fine was equivalent, in the earlier example, to one chance in ten of a $1000 fine. Generalizing our earlier term, we may say that all of these alternative combinations of probability and punishment represent the same expected punishment.
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
In choosing among them, we are trading off one kind of cost against another. It takes fewer policemen to catch five criminals out of a hundred than fifty and fewer judges to try them, so lowering the number we catch while raising their punishment saves on apprehension costs. But, since there is a limit to how large a fine a convicted criminal can pay, raising the punishment typically means shifting from fines to imprisonment or execution-which increases punishment cost. An efficient law enforcement system would produce any given level of deterrence with whatever combination of probability and punishment minimized the sum of the two sorts of cost.”
Example: Suppose a crime has a 20% chance of being apprehended and a punishment equal to $20,000 (assume it is a fine for convenience, etc.)
Example: Suppose a crime has a 20% chance of being apprehended and a punishment equal to $20,000 (assume it is a fine for convenience, etc.)
Society could save money by:
Punishing someone $40,000 may cost society more than punishing them $20,000, but not more than twice as much...and half as many people to punish
Example: Suppose a crime has a 20% chance of being apprehended and a punishment equal to $20,000 (assume it is a fine for convenience, etc.)
Follow the logic to its conclusion: “optimal” law enforcement system has infinitely low probability of being apprehended, but an infinitely severe punishment!
Note, Becker didn’t actually believe this:
Empirically, criminals seem to respond more to probability of being caught than to severity of punishment
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
“The assumption of rationality applies not only to criminals but to everyone included in the analysis. Judges, policemen, legislators and potential victims are all, like criminals, rational individuals pursuing their own ends as best they can. Economic theory gives us no reason to assume that criminals are less rational than judges, or judges less self-interested than criminals.”
Friedman, David D, 1995, “Rational Criminals and Profit-Maximizing Police: Gary Becker's Contribution to the Economic Analysis of Law and Law Enforcement”
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
“I am a policeman, you are a criminal, and I have the evidence that will convict you. The cost to you of being convicted is $50,000-either a fine or an equivalent jail sentence. The benefit to me of convicting you is a commendation from my superior officer and a small increase in my prospects for promotion-worth, say, $10,000 in future income.
Seen from the standpoint of Dragnet, the rest is obvious. I deliver both you and the evidence to the D.A., and the story is over. Seen from the standpoint of an economically rational police officer, it is equally obvious. I sell you the evidence for something between ten and fifty thousand dollars, and we both go home.”
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
Of course, this is not the whole story-if it were, criminals would almost never be convicted. Real world legal systems spend considerable time and effort trying to prevent such transactions and punishing those who engage in them. But the need to do so is a substantial cost-it means that police officers must spend part of their time watching each other instead of watching criminals. And sometimes, when one police officer eludes the vigilance of his fellows or when a whole department succeeds in conspiring together in their own interest and against the interest of the taxpayers who employ them, the economics text is a better description of the real world than the television program.
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
Becker and Stigler suggested a simple and radical solution to this problem-privatize the catching of criminals. Instead of paying the policeman a salary, pay him the fines collected from the criminals he brings in. If the convicted criminal will owe a $50,000 fine to the policeman, the lowest bribe the policeman will accept to let him off is $50,000. If the criminal offers that much, in order to avoid the expense of defending a hopeless case in court, there is no reason we should object-the criminal has paid his fine, the policeman has received his salary, and the taxpayers have been saved the cost of a trial.
Such a system of private enforcement raises a new issue: how to allocate crimes. Since policemen are now private bounty hunters, how do we decide which one is entitled to catch a particular criminal and collect his fine? One solution is to make the crime the property of the victim. He sells the right to solve it to a (private) policeman. This process allocates crimes to enforcers-efficiently, since the enforcer best able to catch the criminal will be willing to pay the highest price. Victims receive some reimbursement for their loss, and we need no longer worry about keeping policemen from accepting bribes.
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
By following out the line of argument begun by Becker and Stigler, we have reinvented civil law-the law of torts as distinguished from the law of crimes. It is the victim of a tort, not the state, who has a claim against the tortfeasor. While modern American law does not permit him to sell the entire claim to the lawyer who will go to court and collect it, he can sell part of the claim by hiring the lawyer on a contingency basis. Some earlier forms of civil law permitted the outright sale of civil claims, and some modern writers have argued that we should do the same. (Friedman 1984, Shukaitis 1987).
What we call bribery in the criminal context is called an out of court settlement in civil law-and is how most civil claims are collected. Since the payment is made to the person who would have collected the fine (called a "damage payment" in the civil system), an out of court settlement achieves the same result as a trial and at lower cost.
Friedman, David D, 1995, “Rational Criminals and Profit-Maximizing Police: Gary Becker's Contribution to the Economic Analysis of Law and Law Enforcement”
David D. Friedman
(1945—)
This suggests an interesting question: Should we abolish the criminal law? Would we be better off if we turned all crimes into torts, replacing enforcement by the state with enforcement by private police selected by the victims? To put the question differently, is there any logic to our present system, where if someone assaults me I call the police but if he reneges on a contract I call my lawyer?
Friedman, David D, 1995, “Rational Criminals and Profit-Maximizing Police: Gary Becker's Contribution to the Economic Analysis of Law and Law Enforcement”
England before 1828
Medieval Iceland
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