Our economic model of accidents has made some major assumptions:
It's gotten us some pretty neat and tidy results about efficient rules
What about in real life when none of these things are true?
Behavioral economics: people systematically suffer from cognitive biases
Relevant to our purposes, people are awful at estimating probability
Hindsight bias
Recall bias & Recency bias
Fixate on exotic, newsworthy, very low-probability events
Example: accidents with power tools
Manufacturers could design them to be safer, and consumers could use them more cautiously
Suppose consumers underestimate the risk of an accident
Negligence with defense of contributory negligence, assuming rational consumers
But with irrational consumers who underestimate risk
However, a strict liability rule is better
“[M]any accidents result from tangled feet, quavering hands, distracted eyes, slips of the tongue, wandering minds, weak wills, emotional outbursts, misjudged distances, or miscalculated consequences,” (Cooter & Ulen)
A liability rule that required intentional negligence, rather than accidental negligence would be impossible to enforce
Note there are intentional torts in common law! They overlap almost entirely with criminal offenses:
Assumption 2: injurers pay damages in full
Judgment-proof defendant: when Injurer’s liability is limited by bankruptcy (i.e. can’t afford to pay the full cost of damages)
We saw strict liability causes Injurer to fully internalize expected harm done, choose efficient precaution x⋆
But what about the following example:
What about businesses that are judgment-proof?
Consider a hazardous waste disposal company
Example: Suppose the hazardous waste disposal company transports waste, a spill of which would create $50,000,000 of harm
Can upgrade their trucks for $225,000 to reduce likelihood of an accident from 1/100 to 1/500
If company forced to pay $50m in damages after accident under strict liability, would choose to upgrade their trucks
But suppose the company is only worth $5,000,000
Thus, judgment-proof business takes less than efficient amount of caution
No perfect solution to these problems
Whenever liability > injurer’s wealth, liability alone does not create sufficient incentives for efficient precaution
Regulations that mandate efficient levels of precaution can help mitigate this problem
We have assumed that either Injurer or Victim bears the cost of the accident, depending on liability rule
But when either (or both) parties have liability insurance, parties don’t bear full cost of accident!
So far, we’ve assumed litigation costs nothing
If litigation is costly (and it is!), it affects incentives in opposing directions:
If litigation is costly for Victims, they may bring fewer suits
If being sued is costly for Injurers, they internalize more than the cost of the accident
Under strict liability, we saw Injurers fully internalize the cost of accident, leading to them choosing efficient precaution (x⋆)
But if parties can’t settle out of court, and case goes to trial...
In U.K., the loser often pays the legal fees of the winner, “The English Rule”
In U.S., each side generally pays their own legal costs, “The American Rule”
“At any time more than 10 days before the trial begins, a party defending against a claim may serve upon the adverse party an offer [for a settlement]... If the judgment finally obtained by the offeree is not more favorable than the offer, the offeree must pay the costs incurred after the making of the offer.”
“Fee-shifting rule”
Example: I hit you with my car, you sue me.
Rule 68 encourages settlements in two ways:
A one-sided rule
If all courts cared about was efficiency:
At the start of every lawsuit, flip a coin
Expected damages remain the same, with same incentives for precaution
Perfect compensatory damages (D=A)
But in some cases, this is hard to determine
“Recovery for wrongful death represents damages to the survivors for the loss of value of decedent’s life. There is no special formula under the law to assess the plaintiff’s damages... It is your obligation to assess what is fair, adequate, and just. You must use your wisdom and judgment and your sense of basic justice to translate into dollars and cents the amount which will fully, fairly, and reasonably compensate the next of kin for the death of the decedent. You must be guided by your common sense and your conscience on the evidence of the case...”
“...You should award reasonable compensation for the loss of love, companionship, comfort, affection, society, solace or moral support.”
Another odd feature of compensatory damages
Most people would rather be horribly injured than killed
But compensatory damages tend to be lower for a fatal accident than accident where victim is injured but not killed
“In China the compensation for killing a victim in a traffic accident is relatively small—amounts typically range from $30,000 to $50,000—and once payment is made, the matter is over. By contrast, paying for lifetime care for a disabled survivor can run into the millions.”
Source: Slate
Regulation | Estimated Cost per life saved |
---|---|
Airplane cabin fire protection | $200,000 |
Car side door protection standards | $1,300,000 |
OSHA asbestos regulations | $89,300,000 |
EPA asbestos regulations | $104,200,000 |
Proposed OSHA foraldehyde standard | $72,000,000,000 |
Most people won't answer if you ask how much money they would demand to allow you to kill them
But, entirely possible that there is some amount of money you could give to someone to make them willing to take a probabilistic risk of dying
Let w be starting wealth, p be probability of death
There might exist some amount of money M such that:
pu(death)+(1−p)u(w+M)=w(w)
Some findings from the paper:
Nature of Risk, Year | Implicit Value of Life (Millions) |
---|---|
Highwway speed-related accident, 1973 | $0.07 |
Automobile death risks, 1972 | $1.2 |
Fire fatality risks without smoke detectors, 1974-1979 | $0.6 |
Mortality effects of air pollution, 1978 | $0.8 |
Cigarette smoking risks, 1980 | $0.7 |
Fire fatality risks without smoke detectors, 1968-1985 | $2.0 |
Automobile accident risks, 1986 | $4.0 |
Improved ambulence service | $0.1 |
Airline safety, 1975 | $15.6 |
Job fatality risk, 1984 | $3.4-8.8 |
Motor vehicle accidents, 1982 | $3.8 |
Automobile accident risks, 1987, $9.7 | |
Traffic safety | $1.2 |
“Although the tradeoff estimates vary considerably depending on the population exposed to the risk, the nature of the risk, individuals' income level, and similar factors, most of the reasonable estimates of the value of life are clustered in the $3 million-$7 million range...In practice, value-of-life debates seldom focus on whether the appropriate value of life should be $3 or $4 million...However, the estimates do provide guidance as to whether risk reduction efforts that cost $50,000 per life saved or $50 million per life saved are warrented. The threshold for the Office of Management and Budget to be successful in rejecting proposed risk regulations has been in excess of $100 million,” (pp.1942-1943).
The answer determines how much spending the government should require to prevent a single death.
The pattern of increases is scrambling a long-standing political dynamic. The business community historically has pushed for regulators to put a dollar value on life, part of a broader campaign to make agencies prove that the benefits of proposed regulations exceed the costs.
“The reality is that politics frequently trumps economics...[but] putting a price tag on life still was worthwhile, to help politicians choose among priorities and to shape the details of their proposals...Even small changes...can save billions of dollars.”
Source: New York Times, 2011
Damage awards vary greatly, even for similar types of cases
We saw last week (2.3) that as long as damages are correct on average, random inconsistencies don't affect incentives
But if appropriate level of damages isn't well-established, more incentive to keep fighting for higher damages
Suppose both sides can hire either a cheap lawyer or an expensive lawyer
Plaintiff will always case
With two equal lawyers, expected judgment is $100
With two different lawyers, expected judgment is doubled or halved
Nash Equilibrium: (Expensive lawyer, Expensive lawyer)
Inconsistent damages create an incentive for both parties to keep fighting and fight hard
So far (this semester), we’ve only considered compensatory damages
Courts may additionally award punitive damages
Calculating punitive damages to award is even less well-defined than compensatory damages
Supposed to bear “reasonable relationship” to level of compensatory damages
Liebeck v. McDonalds (1994)
Stella Liebeck was badly burned when she spilled a cup of McDonalds coffee in her lap
She was awarded $160,000 in compensatory damages and $2,900,000 in punitive damages
This case is often the poster child for excessive punitive damages
Rule in place was comparative negligence
Judge reduced punitive damages to 3x compensatory, so total of $640,000
During appeal, parties settled out of court for some smaller amount
We’ve said all along, with perfect compensation, Injurer’s incentives are set correctly
So why punitive damages?
Punitive damages should be related to compensatory damages, but higher the more likely Injurer is to “get away with it”
Seems most appropriate when injurer's actions were deliberately fraudulent, may have been based on cost-benefit analysis of chance of being caught
Historically, punitive damages paid to victim
Some States now have laws that a share of punitive damages go to the State
In terms of setting injurer's incentives (or punishing after the fact), doesn't really matter where money goes
We have developed theories of property/nuisance law, contract law, and tort law
Looked at how rules of legal liability create/change incentives
Thought about how these rules can be chosen to try to achieve (more) efficient outcomes
Property law
Contract law
Tort law
The legal system works flawlessly
The legal system costs nothing
This has allowed us to get nice theoretical results for attaining efficiency
What additional issues are there when trying to put in a legal structure to enforce our goals?
We've developed a theory of the first-best outcome
How does reality differ? Reality is second-best
Goal of legal system: minimize sum of these two costs
Administrative costs
Error costs
So theoretically, an efficient legal process (in the real world) is one that minimizes sum of:
We've already seen tradeoff between these two types of costs:
Whaling law: “fast fish/loose fish” vs. “iron holds the whale”
Pierson v. Post (fox hunt case)
Privatizing ownership of land
expected value of legal claim
Probability of winning trial × expected damages
Or probability of settlement × expected payment
Minus costs expected to be incurred
> cost to initiate lawsuit
Large variation in expected value of claims
Filing costs divide the distribution into those where Victim finds it worthwile to sue, and those where it isn't
Higher filing costs mean fewer lawsuits
Efficient legal system minimizes sum of administrative costs and error costs
Higher filing fees → fewer lawsuits → lower admin costs
But higher fees → more injuries go “unpunished” → greater distortion in incentives → higher error costs
Filing fee is set optimally when these balance on margin:
As long as litigation has any cost, some harms will be too small to justify a lawsuit
When harm is small to each individual, but large in aggregate (i.e. dispersed among many individuals), one solution is a class action lawsuit
One or more Plaintiffs brings lawsuit on behalf of large group of people harmed in similar way
Court must “certify” (approve) the class
Class action lawsuits desirable when individual harms are small & aggregate harms large
“Before 1900, significant commercial disputes in the United States were generally resolved through private litigation”
“Reformers eroded the nineteenth-century belief that private litigation was the sole appropriate response to social wrongs.” “...Regulatory agencies at both the state and the federal level took over the social control of competition, anti-trust policy, railroad pricing, food and drug safety, and many other areas.”
“By the late nineteenth century, the development of tort law was greatly accelerated by the industrial revolution, especially the railroads.”
“Trains were also wild beasts; they roared through the countryside, killing livestock, setting fires on houses and crops, smashing wagons at gate crossings, mangling passengers and freight. Boilers exploded; trains hurtled off tracks; bridges collapsed; locomotives collided in a grinding scream of steel. Railroad law and tort law grew up, then, together.” (Lawrence Freidman)
“Duane Lockard and Walter Murphy (1992) claim that judges supported corporations because of “a campaign to ‘educate’ judges about the sacredness of private property.”
“The thrust of the rules, taken as a whole, approached the position that corporate enterprise should be flatly immune from actions for personal injury” (Friedman)
“In addition to influencing the selection of judges and prosecutors, nineteenth-century corporations projected substantial political influence, superior lawyers, and ready access to large legal war chests. Their lawyers produced briefs that exonerated their clients and slowed down the wheels of justice for years.”
Also corruption: “intimidation and bribery of witnesses, payments and political pressures on judges and legislators, and theft and destruction of evidence…”
Many States and Federal government started passing regulatory laws that created regulatory agencies
Over time, negligence (hard to prove) replaced with strict liability combined with regulation
So far, we’ve assumed our institutions are not corruptible
Injurer who is legally liable will be found liable in court and ordered to pay damages
Legislatures (elected by voters) and judges try to shape law towards efficient outcomes
But what if that is wrong...
George Stigler
1911-1991
Economics Nobel 1982
“[A]s a rule, regulation is acquired by the industry and is designed and operated primarily for its benefits,” (p.3).
“[E]very industry or occupation that has enough political power to utilize the state will seek to control entry. In addition, the regulatory policy will often be so fashioned as to retard the rate of growth of new firms,” (p.5).
Stigler, George J, (1971), “The Theory of Economic Regulation,” Bell Journal of Economics and Management Science 3:3-21
Regulatory capture: a regulatory body is “captured” by the very industry it is tasked with regulating
Industry members use agency to further their own interests
One major source of capture is the “revolving door” between the public and private sector
Legislators & regulators retire from politics to become highly paid consultants and lobbyists for the industry they had previously “regulated”
Voters, politicians, regulators, and judges are their own self-interested agents
Their objective function is not “maximize efficiency”!
“Politicians are not neutral maximizers of the public good; they respond to incentives, just like other individuals. A clear understanding of political behavior requires, therefore, an understanding of incentive structures. Yet with few exceptions this insight has not been applied to those politicians. we call judges. The lack of attention is surprising, since judicial incentive structures differ widely in the United States and thus provide an ideal testing ground for economic theories of politics. One important division occurs across the states. State court judges are elected in 23 states and are appointed in 27. Of the 23 elected states, ten use highly competitive parti- san elections, whereas in the remainder judges run on nonpartisan ballots. A second division occurs between federal and state judges. Federal judges are appointed and have life tenure, whereas, as just noted, many state court judges are elected and, with the exception of superior court judges in Rhode Island, none have life tenure. We argue that in cases involving corporate defendants with out-of-state headquarters, elected judges, particularly partisan elected judges, have an incentive to grant larger awards than other judges.” (pp.341-342)
“Partisan elected judges must cater to their constituents, and they must raise campaign funds in order to be elected. We hypothesized that these forces would increase awards in partisan elected states relative to other states, particularly awards against out-of-state businesses. The evidence, both from the cross-state regressions and from diversity of citizenship cases, strongly supports the partisan election hypothesis. In cases involving out-of-state defendants and in-state plaintiffs, the average award (conditional on winning) is $362,988 higher in partisan than in nonpartisan states; $230,092 of the larger award is due to a bias against out-of-state defendants, and the remainder is due to generally higher awards against businesses in partisan states.
Suppose there is some cost X to subvert any legal institution
If I owe Y in damages under a (tort) liability system
If I owe Y in fines under a regulatory system
But, regulation relies on smaller fines, tort liability relies on large but low-probability damage awards
Their conclusion: the optimal legal regime depends on the details
Show this pattern explains a lot of what happened in the US...
and also explains why tort reform has not been effective in some developing economies (and laissez-faire seems to be tolerated in some)
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